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opinion
The new nationalism
James
Debono talks of a new breed of nationalists and counsels some warnings
A new breed of Nationalists is alive and kicking. The Campaign for
National Independence, a self styled Nationalist movement combines
socialist discourse of the Albanian type with right-wing discourse
of the Little-Englander and Austrian Freedom Party varieties. Recently
they went as far as publicising the declaration of a Swiss right-wing
group, which denounced the European Union for being the extension
of the Socialist International!
Its trump card is the defence of the traditional Maltese way of
life, allegedly threatened by an influx of foreigners and a more
Europeanised and liberal mentality. KMB's unforgettable remark about
the European Union and AIDS symbolises such a mentality!
On the other camp one also finds the "old nationalists"
who view European Union membership in the same way Enrico Mizzi
viewed unification with Italy, ie, as a sort of racial promotion
for the Maltese! Others like the Prime Minister make the absurd
claim that the Maltese have the mission to reconvert the continent
back to its Latin-Christian roots! These ignore the reality of a
secularised and multicultural Europe enshrined in the European Charter
of Fundamental Rights.
Yet what does being a nationalist mean on the eve of the new millennium?
What's the big deal about being a nationalist in a world where it
is easier to have a chat on the internet with someone living in
another continent than visiting a friend living next door? And thank
God for all that! The history of Nationalism is full of genocides,
mass deportations and wars. Ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia
is a grim reminder of all this.
Our new nationalists are playing with a very dangerous toy.
One of the consequences of nationalism is the manipulation and distortion
of history. In anthropological terms nationalists create myths to
justify their claims. These myths vary from invented historical
events like Count Roger giving the Maltese a flag to pathetic folk
songs and dances. In fact "the nation" is "the constant
renewal and retelling of our tale by each generation of our descendants."
Maltese historiography is characterised by the creation of different
myths in different historical epochs.
Locally the most blatant historical myth is that the Maltese have
never abandoned Christianity since the shipwreck of Saint Paul.
Historical research indicates that for a couple of centuries the
majority of the inhabitants of the island were Muslims.
Yet all traces of the Muslim past were completely obliterated from
collective memory when the inhabitants of Malta became Christians.
Another distortion of history is that the Maltese were always conscious
of their destiny to become a distinct nation. In fact since the
thirteenth century Malta was an integral part of Sicily. Maltese
inhabitants moved over to Sicily without any difficulty and so did
all those Sicilians, Neapolitans, French and Spanish sailors who
married Maltese women in the Maltese harbours. Malta's role as a
frontier society in the never-ending war against Islam conditioned
the mentality of the inhabitants. The crusading mentality survived
in Malta till the end of the eighteenth century! In this way Malta
was completely cut off from the scientific, intellectual and cultural
advances of northern Europe.
The first full-scale expression of Maltese nationalism is found
in the rebellion against the French. It is interesting that although
Maltese identity was formed around the theme of the anti Islamic
crusade, the first testing ground for Maltese nationalism was a
full-scale rebellion against enlightened and modern Europeans. The
rebellion was sparked by the spoliation of churches but it was also
a rebellion against modernisation and enlightenment. The Maltese
were also rebelling against the concept of economic individualism
introduced by the French, as they were heavily dependent on charity
and networks of patronage. It is ironic that Mikiel Anton Vassalli,
the father of secular Maltese nationalism was pro-French. Vassalli
was no isolationist like many members of the present day ‘Fondazzjoni
Mikiel Anton Vassalli'.
During British times the first organised nationalist movement was
conservative and inward looking and pro Italian (and later on pro
fascist).
They defined themselves as Anti Riformisti and later as The Partito
Nazionalista. Their priority was the preservation of an idyllic
traditional way of life dominated by relationships of patronage.
On the other hand the local pro-British elements, although lacking
the revolutionary zeal of the French, were the architects of the
first social and educational reforms in the island.
They defined themselves as the reformists. Manwel Dimech like Vassalli
was the most radical reformist. Dimech like Vassalli before him
was not just the anti British patriot depicted in Labour Party folklore
but was also a well-read man who was deeply influenced by continental
Protestant, liberal and republican thought.
In fact it is far from surprising to find many of Dimech's followers
were later active in the Pro British Constitutional and Labour Parties.
Between 1921 and 1958, the Maltese political left wing did not endorse
a nationalist programme. Dom Mintoff himself embraced the benefits
of full integration with Great Britain. The campaign against integration
was as isolationist as the present day anti EU campaign.
Mintoff's nationalism was a pragmatic choice. It was the only option
left after the integration bid failed. Yet Mintoff was not a typical
Maltese nationalist as he wanted self-determination in order to
alter radically the fabric of Maltese society.
In fact local conservatives started to perceive the British and
NATO as the ultimate defenders of the traditional order of things
against an immanent socialist or communist revolution.
In 1971 Mintoff embarked on his reformist mission.
The new power bloc consisted of an alliance consisting of the General
Workers Union, the nascent and protected industrial bourgeoisie
and a new partisan bureaucracy created by Mintoff to occupy the
state run sector of the economy. After a highly charged reformist
phase between 1971 and 1976, the dominant power block started becoming
a conservative force serving the interests of its component parts.
The greater the political decadence the more vivid and colourful
the nationalist symbolism became. History was another victim of
this sense of decadence.
Jum il-Helsien was proclaimed the new foundation day of the new
Malta and all former historical dates were deleted from the state's
calendar. The rhetoric, theatrics and iconography surrounding this
holy day completely ignored Malta's dependence on foreign capital,
which was exploiting Maltese cheap labour. Mintoff's nationalism
also had a xenophobic edge. His outcry "Malta l-ewwel u qabel
kollox" was the antithesis of socialist internationalism. Such
a policy must also be seen in the light of economic protectionism.
Even the consumption of locally produced but inferior chocolate
became a heroic act of national pride! Due to foreign policy expedients
Arabs became "our blood brothers". Nationalism also enabled
Mintoff to label local dissidents who denounced violation of human
rights as traitors of the nation. Although Malta was dependent on
foreign investment, autarchy was turned in to national virtue.
Globalisation, the end of the cold war and social mobility have
left little place for such an autarchic mentality. So what exactly
is the new nationalism about? It is basically a reaction against
change uniting all local reactionaries. Present day Malta is fertile
ground for a populist movement combining traditionalism with the
"new nationalism". The signs of such a movement are all
around us. Its marks are found in the macho and might is right mentality
of the Tony Coleiro variety. It is there among businessmen who advocate
fierce economic protectionism when it comes to monopolies but no
limits laissez faire capitalism when it comes to EU regulations.
It is also found in the high-sounding moral warnings about the dangers
of European permissiveness. In this camp Labour MPs like Adrian
Vassallo are already filling the vacuum left by the traditional
right. How will conservatives react if pressure mounts on the Maltese
government to introduce divorce?
Will this bring about an alliance of old and new nationalists against
those Masonic Europeans? The Nationalist Party being a conservative
party that is unconsciously embarking on the most revolutionary
project in the history of the island is extremely vulnerable to
an attack from the right.
On the other hand the CNI and the Malta Labour Party are nurturing
a monster in their wombs. That monster could be a Maltese version
of the far right.
For the past 200 years the source of all progressive change in Malta
was cultural and intellectual contact with the European continent.
Movements inspired by progressive continental thought constitute
the Maltese reformist tradition. Alternattiva Demokratika has inherited
the mantel of the Maltese reformist tradition and is the only party
with a truly European mentality. In this sense it inherits the best
tradition of the founders of the Labour and Constitutional Parties
in the 1920's.
Nationalism has dominated world history since the sixteenth century
and is still strong in the beginning of the twenty-first century.
Yet it is nothing but a historical phase in human history. The socialist
tradition of internationalism was instrumental in the setting up
of the European Union which has put an end to all wars between European
nations. The Green tradition reconciling the local and the global
is another step in the creation of a more united world. Feeling
a citizen of the world gives a sense of liberation from the claustrophobia
of living in a minuscule and over populated island surrounded by
sea. It is a pity that some people armed with no-entry signs are
desperately trying to block our way towards the future...
James
Debono MA is a researcher with Where's everybody? and an activist
with AD
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