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Fact file
Born: July
1933 in Cospicua
Studied:
Law, specialising in taxation and industrial law
Career:
Lectured in both the above areas at University and was chosen as a legal
consultant to the GWU
1980: Proposed
by PM Dom Mintoff as MLP deputy leader for party affairs
1982: Appointed
designate leader of the party and co-opted to Parliament
1984: Sworn
in as Prime Minister following Mintoff’s
resignation
1987: MLP
loses power
1992: Resigns
as party leader
1996: Chooses
not to contest the elections
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interview
Karmenu, the Eurosceptic former Premier
Photos by Paul Blandford
Former premier Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici today channels his time and
energy into striving to keep Malta out of the EU. Here he tells
MIRIAM DUNN why he is so vehemently opposed to membership and how,
unlike his time as PM, he now has PN supporters
His role might
have changed from party politician to one of lobbying for a national
cause, but former Prime Minister and Campaign for National Independence
protagonist Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici stresses he still abides by the
same principles, even though he recognises that some of these are
extreme.
"My primary belief was always that our main goal should be
full employment, and only then should we look at improving those
conditions," he says. "In fact, my main regret as Premier
was that I didn’t manage to achieve that goal, although we
reached a certain level of success in May 1987, reducing the unemployment
figures to 4,000. But it is one point on which I disagree with a
lot of modern socialist thinking, including the Malta Labour Party,
that their goal is not to totally eradicate unemployment. But let
us stress it is not a policy followed by the PN either!”
He explains that he believes there can be no dignity without the
chance of a job, and everyone deserves dignity.
But he stresses that he does not view the MLP’s current policy
as a sign that it has lost its social conscience, admitting he has
never understood Dom Mintoff’s decision to vote against the
former government, especially when he had made clear his intention
to abstain and this had largely been accepted.
Dr Mifsud Bonnici, who entered politics in 1980 and was Prime Minister
between 1984 and 1987, staying on as Opposition leader until 1992,
admits that his views on the European Union also sometimes diverge
from those of the MLP.
"Much of what we hear on the EU argument is whether membership
is the right path forward for Malta," he says. "But my
own views and other CNI members question much more deeply than this,
the fundamental principles of whether the EU is inherently a good
concept. And the more speakers we invite over, whether they are
Euro-realists or Euro-sceptics, convince us even further that there
are basic flaws in the EU set-up."
The former Labour premier also admits that he would be against an
MLP decision to remove levies or protection, even if this were done
on a more gradual basis than the strategy adopted by the current
government.
"Economies of scale dictate that we need protection for our
industry to flourish and since we need this because of our size,
we need it permanently," he says.
Dr Mifsud Bonnici believes his strong left-wing beliefs and interest
in defending the workers can be traced back to his student days,
when he was a prominent activist with both the Young Christian Workers
and the Catholic Social Guild. It was an interest he pursued, both
academically, by choosing to specialise in Labour and Fiscal law,
and also professionally when he took on the post of legal advisor
to the General Workers’ Union.
He explains that he was very active in the GWU until 1980, when
he was approached by the MLP to take up the post of deputy leader
of party affairs, which signalled his move into politics, and ultimately,
becoming Premier when, in 1984, Dom Mintoff stood down.
It was a premiership that was criticised on a number of fronts,
most notably for the violence that ensued during those years. And
partly in relation to this, Dr Mifsud Bonnici has been described
as a weak leader. How does he react to this criticism, I ask.
"I think that when levelling criticism, one has to appreciate
the difficult circumstances in which I found myself," he answers.
"It was impossible to live up to the public’s expectations
when trying to follow in Mintoff’s footsteps and this made
it very difficult to take over."
Dr Mifsud Bonnici admits he also had to tread a fine line between
showing the government was keeping on course while also bringing
in some of his own policies.
"I didn’t want to upset Mintoff and we still needed his
vote," he points out. "So I tried to retain some consistency,
for example, by minimising Cabinet changes, while also looking at
some new ideas. Probably the most important of these to me was the
policy of recruitment. We implemented this after the previous strategy
of restraint in labour and it was not easy, but I experienced great
satisfaction as we watched the jobless figures come down."
On the sensitive issue of violence, Dr Mifsud Bonnici is adamant
that the aggression originated from the Opposition at the time.
"This is something that historically needs clarifying,"
he says. "When Eddie Fenech Adami took over as PN leader from
Gorg Borg Olivier, his policy was one of aggression and violence
and he encouraged this approach.
"We had a series of bombs left behind doors and considerable
sabotage both internally and overseas. We were even informed that
arms were being imported by supporters of the PN. Granted, I admit
there was a violent reaction from a sector of the Labour party,
but the violence originated from the Opposition. In fact, I believe
my words are borne out by the fact that when the PN was elected,
the violence stopped."
So are there any PN policies today that he agrees with, I ask him?
Certainly there are some that he feels strongly about, most notably
the financial deficit.
"I cannot understand how anyone can accept that a government,
over a period of 10 years, has put the country in almost Lm1 billion
debt," he says. "Granted, we had crises in previous administrations,
such as the unemployment problem. But never a financial crisis like
this. Yes, we had to take difficult measures, like implementing
restrictions, but they were done to strengthen the base of the country.
Now, not long after independence, the country is in financial ruin."
I ask Dr Mifsud Bonnici whether he would like to see more consensus
between the two political parties, but he admits it is not something
he regards as important, or even expects.
"I do not view a lack of consensus as a problem," he answers.
"The basis of a democracy is to have opposing views and give
space for them to be aired and then for the people to make up their
mind. And this is what happens everywhere, let’s remember,
no one expects consensus in the US between the Republicans and Democrats
or between Labour and the Tories in the UK."
Turning to his new role in the CNI, Dr Mifsud Bonnici outlines some
of the principles relating to the EU that he and his colleagues
are unhappy about.
"We have grave misgivings over the fact that the development
of the EU has led to the sovereignty and independence of a country
being whittled down, with more powers transferred to the Union,"
he explains. "This means that the EU is taking away considerable
power from the national government and our belief is that since
Malta is small, there will be very little left – we will simply
be a region of a big state.
"CNI asked the question: Is it best for our people to forfeit
their independence and freedom to be part of the EU? We believe
it isn’t it, and that therefore, the concept of integration
in the EU is wrong fundamentally, irrespective of timescales."
Dr Mifsud Bonnici adds that CNI also questions the EU’s free
trade policy, explaining that they view it as contradictory.
"The Union talks of free trade, but it has set up protective
barriers for its own industries from outside competition,"
he says. "If this is deemed convenient for EU countries, why
is it wrong for a small country like Malta, which has special circumstances
because of its size, to have protective barriers in areas of trade?
Our industry needs some kind of protection. That is how we built
it up and now we are dismantling everything to uphold a principle
of free trade which we believe is highly questionable."
I ask him how he reacts to criticism that the CNI’s policies
are isolationist, a criticism that he strongly denies.
"This is one of the myths propagated by the EU," he answers.
"There are about 200 countries in the world. In the EU, taking
into account the applicant countries, bar Malta, there will be 26.
Are 174 countries isolated? We don’t think so. In fact, we
insist Malta shouldn’t be isolated, but neither should it be
aligned to one bloc. Instead it should be free to have relations
with each and every country."
While pointing out that Malta could hardly be viewed as isolated
since it is a member of the Council of Europe and the United Nations,
Dr Mifsud Bonnici points out that in a number of European countries,
certain organisations are forming a new movement, known as the ‘Free
European Forum’.
"The movement, which CNI belongs to, stands for co-operation
between the countries, irrespective of whether they are EU members,
without them being put in the strait jacket of EU common rules and
directives," he explains.
I ask Dr Mifsud Bonnici what he believes would be the outcome of
a referendum on the EU if it were held today.
"The majority of people would vote against," he replies.
"Granted, it might be close, but my own view is that there
is a substantial majority of the electorate against membership."
So he doesn’t think people will follow party lines?
The former premier explains that CNI’s own findings indicate
otherwise.
"Our information tells us there is a high percentage of Nationalist
voters – around 10% - that oppose EU membership and a number
of MLP voters – some 5% - that oppose the official line of
the Labour party," he answers. "Certainly our organisation
crosses party lines; in fact, some CNI members are very strong Nationalist
supporters."
Does he believe that the PN initially underestimated the CNI, I
wonder?
"No, especially if one considers that the IVA movement was
set up specifically to combat the CNI," he answers. "Rather
than us being initially underestimated, I believe our credibility
stems from the fact that the foreign speakers we are inviting over,
who are pointing out the inherent defects of the EU, rather than
talking about whether it is advantageous or disadvantageous for
Malta to join, are stirring up interest."
But does he admit that the CNI has an advantage in that it seems
to be very well funded?
"We get just Lm3,000, out of the Lm280,000 allotted by the
government, so everything else comes from volunteers," he answers.
"But I don’t mind admitting that I am prepared to make
a contribution for the cause. We strongly believe it is wrong for
Malta to integrate into the EU. And if Malta joined the EU, the
day after, there would be a movement set up to regain freedom and
independence again."
I ask Dr Mifsud Bonnici whether he is happy in his CNI niche which,
after all, keeps him on the sidelines of politics. Would he ever
want to return to a full political role?
"No. And I cannot," he answers. "The CNI is a cross
party organisation and I have to take into account the number of
members that are Nationalists. The fact that they have accepted
me to co-ordinate the work of CNI, despite my Labour views, is something
I cherish and respect. This is a national question. And it has to
be dealt with on cross party lines."
And does he believe there would be a role for CNI if a Labour government
is elected back to power?
"We wouldn’t really have any initial scope, since the
primary aim of ensuring our freedom was saved would have been achieved,"
he answers. "However, there might be a place for a movement
which would insist on measures to safeguard and protect various
sectors of our industry in the face of free trade. I wouldn’t
rule that out." |
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