Ditching Labour: Bold move or hasty turn for Marlene Farrugia?

Farrugia’s resignation from Labour enhanced her visibility, and standing as an independent MP makes her a reference for M.O.R. voters and disgruntled switchers who are still wary of the PN, but dissatisfied with Labour on issues like meritocracy and the environment.

But the abrupt decision also weakens her strength as a dissident voice inside government. As a Labour MP she was a thorn in Joseph Muscat’s side, like Franco Debono was in Lawrence Gonzi’s, making more news by defying the party line rather than as an independent actor.

She also cannot dictate terms to Muscat, and she is far weaker than Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando who stole Lawrence Gonzi’s one-seat majority in 2012 and forced him into a “coalition”. Muscat will rebut Farrugia by associating her with the PN, giving him the advantage. Farrugia no longer speaks with the authority of a party member loyal to the principle but critical of the executive. Many backbenchers in other democracies have defied the party line on parliamentary votes, especially when they pose no threat to their own majority.

Farrugia’s own position may have been difficult with her own partner Godfrey Farrugia as the flustered Whip supposedly controlling MPs. But now she is weaker having divested herself of the legitimacy granted to her by Labour’s electorate (even if she claims she is still defending the spirit of the PL manifesto and that she can represent thousands of voters who switch from one party to the other). Much depends on how the political mood changes in the next months. 

Hailing from a Labour background, she ran for the PN in the 1990s then switched to Labour in 2003. Now an independent with little real power, she still resonates with the public mood. Courting her to the PN would allow Simon Busuttil to complete the narrative in his favour, his biggest billboard for the next election.

But there’s no urgency on her part as she bides her time while enjoying the PN’s good will. She only risks becoming irrelevant after the media spectacle is over, and if she is left without a vocal platform like Wenzu Mintoff had when in 1989 the Labour whip formed AD.

If she becomes the voice for a wide coalition of green NGOs, her power would depend on keeping her distance from the PN. Ultimately she may well decide to keep out of the fray and enjoy the limelight of her newly gained freedom.

As environment committee chairman she distinguished herself by inviting NGOs to grill politicians and government officials; and importantly she convoked the committee to discuss the site selection of the controversial American University.

Muscat says no but appointing her as chairman would give him a golden opportunity; it’s also a Catch-22 to keep her institutionally relevant. Busuttil was savvy enough to immediately propose Farrugia’s re-appointment, with green NGOs joining in the chorus of approval. This makes Muscat’s decision even more difficult: losing the initiative to Busuttil, while turning Farrugia into a reference point for dissent. But an inclusive decision would also score Muscat points with moderates and environmentalists. 

Since the committee is purely consultative, Muscat can afford rising above partisan consideration and appear magnanimous, by reaffirming his trust in Farrugia despite her resignation.