Looking back at 2019 | How civil society rocked the establishment in 2019

2019 ended up with civil society united in street demonstrations demanding the immediate resignation of Joseph Muscat in successive protests, which for the first time saw Graffitti activists also sharing the streets with Repubblika and Occupy justice.

The protests, dictated by the fast pace of events and the gravity of the situation, also saw non-partisans marching uncomfortably with PN supporters and present and former party officials.

Graffitti’s participation in national protests offered a safe space for non-partisans and socialists to voice their protest without being lost in a crowd in which they still do not feel so comfortable.

On the other hand, their participation gave legitimacy to a protest movement perceived to be too aligned with a faction in the PN. Protesters, including former PN officials, found themselves in a crowd applauding a speech by Graffitti’s spokesperson Andre Callus, denouncing not just Muscat but also the subservience of the political establishment to the business class.

This rare convergence did not raise any eyebrows because it was dictated by the gravity of the situation. But it also showed the two main expressions of Maltese civil society activism had matured over the past months, feeling safe and confident enough to share the same space without any fear of losing their identity.

The persistence of the ‘Daphne crowd’

The perseverance of groups like Occupy Justice and Repubblika, who have been organising monthly vigils for Daphne Caruana Galizia despite facing open hostility and insults, has given their members a strong sense of purpose. Rarely has such stamina been seen in Maltese political history.

Surely the so-called Daphne crowd, especially Occupy Justice, still exhibit signs of antipathy towards anything which looks, feels and sounds like Labour and against those who do not endorse their Manichean narrative of good and evil.

The hagiography built around the figure of Daphne Caruana Galizia has alienated people who were very angry at her assassination but had a more nuanced view on her writings and more cautious on attributing guilt for her murder. Often these people were shunned and lazily pigeon-holed as government apologists, and even unfairly depicted as accomplices in the crimes attributed to government. This bad blood and sectarian approach may well have weakened the movement in its bid to reach out beyond a restricted cohort of Daphne followers. So did the uncritical endorsement of anyone shooting at Muscat, irrespective of credibility issues.

The 'Daphne crowd', NGO Repubblika, civil movement Occupy Justice have been calling for the immediate resignation of Prime Minister Joseph Muscat

Still one has to recognise that the arrest of Electrogas shareholder Yorgen Fenech as the alleged mastermind of the assassination, coupled with damning testimonies implicating the PM’s own former chief of staff Keith Schembri in obstruction of justice, has vindicated their central claim that Caruana Galizia was a victim of a political assassination implicating parts of the state.

But vindication may come at a big risk. It can make activists more intransigent and unforgiving towards those who refused to jump to conclusions and gave government the benefit of the doubt simply because they did not have the facts in hand to prove otherwise.

On their part, Repubblika has shown a greater political awareness of the risk of isolation, with blogger Manuel Delia himself pleading to Graffitti activists to participate in the protests. Ironically it is Delia himself who best personifies the doubts amongst non-partisans, having shown no particular interest in good governance when his party was in power when serving as an aide of Minister Austin Gatt. Yet his past political experience also makes him savvier than more intransigent groups.

Repubblika has also been effective in mobilising public opinion in other countries, and even creating a convergence with the influential anti-mafia movement in Italy. One of the most powerful speeches on the day of the second anniversary of Daphne’s assassination was the one delivered by Leoluca Orlando, the left-wing mayor of Palermo who directly addressed Daphne’s killers “Daphne, you won. You won because we are here tonight. You are not alone… to her killers, I say you made a very big mistake… you will be caught, you will be caught,” he shouted to loud applause.

Anti-Labour, anti-Delia or pro-reform?

It remains to be seen whether these groups can now embrace a coherent agenda for institutional reforms or whether they will continue defining themselves by their antagonism towards any Labour government.

Muscat’s exit from the scene also raises a dilemma for movements driven by antagonism towards him as the personification of evil. A new Labour leader may even make overtures including symbolic ones, which may pose a dilemma for these groups, which thrived in a climate of confrontation.

For ridiculous antics like the regular removal of flowers from the makeshift shrine to Caruana Galizia opposite the law courts also served to keep the activists resilient and ready to fight back.

NGO Repubblika and civil society movement Occupy Justice have been organising protests outside Castille and Parliament square, drawing thousands

Yet any openness by Labour on reform could also represent an opportunity for these groups to take the government to task on hard political issues like constitutional reforms. And failure to reach out to the Labour-voting segment of the population, which may not be hostile to the reforms they advocate, has remained a big obstacle for these groups.

The identification with the anti-Delia faction in the PN also raises the question on whether their main aim is to reclaim the PN or a real reform the republic’s institutions.

It remains to be seen whether the spirit of vindication will spur another bid to unseat Delia especially in view of polls showing the PN making no inroads despite Muscat’s humiliating fall from grace. But if activists take an active role in this bid, they may further alienate PN supporters who support Delia or feel that this issue was resolved after Delia survived an internal confidence vote in July.

Graffitti’s coming of age

In contrast to Repubblika it is the complete lack of political ambiguities and partisan or factional affiliations, which distinguish Graffitti, the other civil society movement that thrived and flourished through 2019.

Through its 25-year-long history of activism, this movement has distinguished itself for protesting under both Nationalist and Labour governments, thus gaining credibility among the non-partisan segment of the population. It also enabled Graffitti to work closely with both Labour and Nationalist-led local councils in challenging development projects.

While its left-wing ideology and counter-cultural traits does alienate a segment of moderate and conservative non-partisans, it has definitely contributed to the movement’s longevity by giving activists a strong sense of purpose and comradeship.

Moviment Graffitti's André Callus joined Repubblika's platform in the latest protest the NGO organised

Moreover circumstances could not have been more favourable for a movement which has openly questioned the dominance of business elites for the past quarter of a century. In this sense Graffitti was able to capture the mood of the country.

In June hundreds joined a protest in front of the Malta Developers’ Association lobby, following the collapse of a number of dwellings due to surrounding excavations. The movement also gave a voice to the victims of these tragedies while railing against the development frenzy which has disfigured and transformed a number of localities into a permanent construction site.

In September a couple of thousands attended the “enough is enough” protest against over-development, held in cooperation environmental NGOs and groups representing residents and farmers. The protest was triggered by the approval of the Central Link Project which will see the eradication of 50,000 square metres of farmland.

On the environmental front, crowdfunding initiatives in which Graffitti also took a leading role, led to the presentation of appeals and legal challenges to approved projects. While some were unsuccessful, like that against the Central Link Project which was confirmed on appeal, the perseverance of activists was rewarded when the court revoked the permit for the DB project due to a conflict of interest of a board member in a landmark decision which sent shivers down the spines of the developers’ lobby.

Moreover on this front Graffitti has managed to reach out to Labour voters disgruntled by the power of the construction industry. But the same group also showed a constructive side, welcoming aspects of the proposed rent reform proposed by the government to protect tenants.

Recent events connected to the arrest of Yorgen Fenech, the scion of the Tumas family which has interests in both real estate and energy, have also exposed the fault-lines between politics, big business and organised crime, thus making Graffitti longstanding reminders on the power of big business even more pertinent. Graffitti reacted to the current crisis by organising a gathering for socialists in front of Castille and presented an appeal signed by 350 “socialists, leftists and progressives” expressing “ outrage at the current situation” in which “the business class has gained unprecedented power over politics, with resulting effects that are felt directly by the people”.

Writer Immanuel Mifsud, who gave a strong speech denouncing “the failed neoliberal experiment” and calling for a new republic addressed the gathering amongst others.

Prior to the arrest of Yorgen Fenech, Graffitti had kept its distance from protests organised by Repubblika and Occupy Justice, but as events unfolded in past month, the left-wing organisation dropped its reservations and started attending protests on its own terms without endorsing the more simplistic anti-Labour, patriotic or moralistic narrative. This showed an ability to see the bigger picture.

Graffitti also distinguished itself by its disciplined occupation of the customer care area of Castille, confirming its experience in conducting non-violent direct actions while keeping their cool and avoiding unnecessary confrontation with the authorities.

Graffitti’s future: Left Party or coalition builder?

Despite Graffitti’s successful run as a civil society movement, the question lingering in the mind of many activists is whether the time is now ripe for founding a left-wing political party which offers voters betrayed by Labour an option. The need of a new party has been reinforced by the declining fortunes of Alternattiva Demokratika which had a bad performance in the MEP and local elections held earlier this year.

Yet this will come at a major cost for a movement which has thrived as a coalition builder, which is confident enough to work with people across the partisan divide.

Repubblika has been effective in mobilising public opinion in other countries

The movement also faces a number of challenges, including opposition to projects like road-widening and the Gozo tunnel, where it may not be in synch with the opinions of the majority.

It also remains to be seen how Graffitti will fit in the post-Muscat political scenarios, which may see Labour becoming less subservient to business interests and thus a more trusted interlocutor. Graffitti may also be seen as an interlocutor by a more assertive left-wing faction in Labour. But this may prove problematic for a movement which is trusted by non-partisans because it has kept its distance from factional wars in other parties.

It also remains to be seen whether convergence on constitutional and institutional reform can be found between the different groups protesting against Muscat, and whether Graffitti can give such demands its imprint framed in a discourse of social justice.