PN leadership and restructuring challenges

As things stand, following a sudden, unexpected resignation by former leader Bernard Grech and the election of Alex Borg, the PN is still facing immense pressure to restructure internal mechanisms, update policy platforms, and redefine its public image. It is still suffering from weak societal roots and limited resources.

Over and above all this, it is still a party struggling to solidify its leadership, engage members, and distinguish itself from its mainstream competitor and other emerging political organisations.

One major issue the PN has long been trying to solve over the last two decades is to secure sustainable funding and build stronger connections with the electorate. If the PN is aiming to re-emerge on the political scene as a plausible alternative government it must effectively manage these tensions to improve responsiveness to voters while avoiding the pitfalls of permanent, adversarial electoral mobilisation.

Following the last three general elections, which saw the PN suffer the worst defeats in its long history, the path to regaining government involves a long-term strategy of rebuilding its brand, uniting its internal factions, and reclaiming the centre ground. An internal-unite strategy alone is unlikely to provide a majority, making it crucial to win back moderate, centre-right voters who, for various reasons, are deciding not to cast their vote in the ballot box.

Voters never reward division, and entrenched ideology is the fuel for internal factional fighting. A hard-headed, data-driven approach to why it keeps on losing is crucial, but the PN steered clear of such an approach, wasting its long years in opposition and never finding its feet.

After such significant defeats, the default assumption is that the PN’s path to recovery will be long and hard, as in 1987. But a more volatile electorate means old assumptions don’t hold—there is already a real chance that it can plot a path to power in 2026 or 2027. There is a growing number of Labour voters who are now saying they regret their vote, indicative of dissatisfaction and upset with the Labour Party.

Given that such Labour voters are significant in terms of vote share, the PN should focus closely on what could tempt these Labour voters to its fold, as had already happened during the years leading to its 1987 electoral victory.

Alex Borg must ensure that he leads a party that can be trusted with running the economy and that his is the party of law and order.

If the mood crystallises against the Labour Party and the PN is able to take advantage of that, it could make for a path back to power. Yet it is still difficult for the PN to recover from a position of extreme unpopularity, and it will need to move rapidly to establish itself as a credible government-in-waiting because, in a fragmented electorate, it is not the only choice on offer.

But first, it must continue rebuilding its grassroots campaigning network, which was severely diminished; end the public infighting and senseless splits that characterised the final years of its government; and present a common-sense vision that contrasts with the current Labour government.

The most frequently used phrase the public uses to describe the PN is “out of touch”. The new leader, Alex Borg, will have to consider how to avoid the mistakes of Simon Busuttil, Adrian Delia and Bernard Grech’s leaderships, which appeared not to be able to relate to ordinary people during their respective tenures. Along with that, Alex Borg will need to overcome an apparent public perception of being inexperienced, overenthusiastic and often contradictory and prove himself to be a leader who can level with the public on the most pressing issues of the country.

As a budding young leader, Alex Borg must be wary not to let his enthusiasm outpace his limited experience. His high energy risks leading him down a road where he starts promising everything to everyone, causing him to appear arbitrary and lacking in concrete, actionable policy, or failing to prioritise competing demands. His excessive enthusiasm can lead to rapid burnout, as he struggles to balance a demanding new workload with the need for strategic patience, and the frustration of slow, incremental progress.

Alex Borg should be advised to pair his enthusiasm with mentorship, focus on building internal party alliances, and learn to manage the game of politics rather than solely rely on passion. The case for going back to basics is strong, but more important is authentically vocalising the shared frustrations of the populace. Listening, in and of itself, isn’t enough; the PN will need to demonstrate over and over again that it gets it and that it is the right choice to steward the country through turbulent times ahead.

Above all, the PN must demonstrate it has learnt its lessons since 2013, specifically regarding issues of trust, competence, and delivering on promises. It cannot control what missteps and crises will inevitably dog Labour in office, so to ensure the fastest possible recovery, it will need to get its house in order in record time. And that time may be even shorter than expected.