The seeds of this crisis were sown in 2008
Gonzi’s stronger image won him his one-seat majority but the GonziPN brand had pitfalls, which strategists failed to address in spite of early warnings.
Aren't we all following the media with greater frequency and urgency? Half the island seems relieved; the other half worried. Yet, both halves ask a common question: "Is government still in place?"
I reached home last week after four months in the Middle East, where the significance of domestic affairs easily fades away. Yet, as soon as the plane touched down, I was immediately overwhelmed by a sizzling hot scenario that cannot be quelled by the gale, the hail and the thunderstorms.
First, there was the furnace started by rabid rumours on the mysterious double-murder on New Year's Day. By the time of the second funeral, the two victims were swiftly relegated to the back-burner and public attention turned to the wildfire that engulfed government.
The initial sparks to these flames were ignited in the electoral campaign of 2008. PN waged that electoral battle contrasting Dr Lawrence Gonzi with Dr Alfred Sant. One was sanctified and the other demonised. PN campaigners constructed a credible image of a trustworthy PN leader projecting strong open arms. This was juxtaposed against the figure of the closed traits of the then Labour leader, who was weakened by a change on the EU perspective and internal party dissent, while he fought an electoral campaign combatting cancer.
Gonzi's stronger image won him the 750 votes that secured the one-seat majority necessary to take power. Nonetheless, as many are acknolwedging now, the GonziPN brand had pitfalls, which strategists failed to address in spite of early warnings.
First, too much weight was placed on the leader's shoulders. Being given full credit for the victory; implies a bigger responsibility and heavier burdens than he was able to carry. As citizens we could only blame GonziPN for any of the failures, no matter how small or big.
Secondly, GonziPN pushed out experienced contenders from the party. Some were humiliated. They were expected to lie low temporarily but in the long term, political animals do not forget and forgive.
Thirdly, in spite of the promise of renewal, GonziPN did not satiate the ambitions of younger and some more experienced exponents, who clearly felt ignored and short-changed. They lamented they were not given enough elbow-room to learn and fulfill their potential. Some felt they were not rewarded for their effort and that they were not given the opportunity to efficiently serve their constituents so that they secure their seat.
Throughout these four years, unprecedented cracks within the ranks of the PN elite became clearly visible. Evidence of this is the sheer amount of leaks. Rumours of unhappy backbenchers challenging the Prime Minister's one-seat majority have been hitting the headlines in some sections of the press and supporters never really got much reassurance that this discontent was being addressed. As one PN activist confessed this morning: "I disagree with the way Franco Debono is challenging the Prime Minister and the party, but the man is not as loony as some have been portraying him. Most of his claims are true."
For years people have been unhappy with the hasty whitewashing. They were uncomfortable that the real issues were being ignored or swept under the carpet and it is no wonder that some MPs took personal initiatives in open defiance of their Prime Minister, as in the case of the private member's bill presented by Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando on the divorce issue. Others like Franco Debono frequently threathened to abstain, or vote against the government in order to make himself heard.
A fourth problem is that instead of looking at the questionable policies and processes which stirred the ants in the backbenchers' pants, the 'mavericks' were brutally lambasted in the media. We have seen the cruel misuse of reputation-management tactics aimed at conditioning or crushing their dignity and standing. This fuelled even greater resentment and anger. Their fury rendered the Prime Minister more vulnerable to attack from within his own ranks.
We have been hearing rumours of a mid-March election at least since last summer; the reasons given by the grapevine where the economic downturn, which will make the incumbents' campaign very difficult at a later date. But with Franco Debono's declarations we now know we are facing an early election mainly because of political instability.
The Prime Minister asserted he seeks national interest first. At a party level he now knows exactly where he stands with his MPs and so he should now do the honorable thing and seek a vote of confidence in Parliament.
Why are PN contenders, including the former Prime Minister Dr Eddie Fenech Adami, so eager to throw the ball into the Opposition's court? People are not stupid; they know this is merely an insipid vote-catching tactic.
How long are they willing to sacrifice the national interest and wait for the opposition to make the first move? The longer the instability lasts, the harder it is for them to restore trust.
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