The big issues ignored in the election campaign

Political parties have so far converged on one dominant theme: putting more money in people’s pockets. This reflects public sentiment—according to a recent MaltaToday survey published in March, purchasing power and inflation top the list of issues more likely to impact on the way people will vote, followed by traffic, the economy, and population growth, with the environment and corruption trailing behind.

But while parties have leaned heavily into disposable income, other key concerns have received scant attention. Entire areas—foreign policy, the sustainability of the economic model underpinning the spending spree, and even civil liberties and tackling corruption—have been relegated to the margins. The contrast with previous elections, particularly 2013 and 2017, is striking.

The international context

Prime Minister Robert Abela justified calling the election on the need for a “safe pair of hands” in an uncertain international climate triggered by Trump’s war of choice in Iran.  Foreign policy has not been a dominant theme since Malta joined the EU. Yet the campaign has unfolded as if global instability were irrelevant. Both major parties are still promising the moon with little sense of restraint.

The Nationalist Party’s proposal for a 30% reduction in utility tariffs, partly financed through investment in renewable energy, gestures towards long-term resilience. The reason being that solar energy provides us with a home-grown energy resource which leaves us less exposed to international volatility.

But committing to lower prices amid volatile oil and gas markets carries obvious risks, especially considering that presently we rely on energy from an interconnector which is mostly derived from gas and oil power plants and from two gas powered plants.

Moreover, some of the more interesting ideas like utilising Malta’ Exclusive Economic Zone also require an investment in basic defence and security guarantees compatible with our constitutional neutrality.

Labour, meanwhile, is signalling abundance through measures like the €200 million “super bonus,” projecting an economy untouched by external shocks. 

But what if an international recession and global inflation start to take their toll on tourism?

The missing debate on the economic model

Perhaps the most glaring omission is a substantive debate on Malta’s economic model. In previous years, critics within the Nationalist Party, notably under Adrian Delia, questioned a model reliant on rapid population growth and construction.

That critique which dangerously tapped on xenophobia without providing answers has now largely disappeared.

Under Alex Borg, the PN appears to have embraced the same growth dynamics it once criticised, as it seeks to justify its own spending proposals. Labour, for its part, continues to treat economic expansion as an unquestioned good—almost like an oil reserve Malta never had, yet behaves as if it struck.

In this sense Malta risks being addicted to its own version of the ‘oil curse’, an addiction to a growth model which generates wealth but erodes the quality of life.

Both parties are focused on distributing wealth without interrogating its sources or long-term costs. Missing is a mature conversation on recalibrating the model beyond vague references to “quality of life.”

Also absent is any meaningful discussion on the shadow economy, where vulnerable—often foreign—workers are exploited in precarious conditions.

To their credit the PN as so far been more forthcoming in proposing the creation of new economic niches like the proposed bunkering hub in Hurds Bank even if one has to be careful how to calibrate this in the turbulent geopolitical realities linked to energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean.

In this sense, Labour needs to catch up in carving niches which stray away from the current over-dependence on tourism and construction. So far, the PL has not come up with the next big idea and seems exclusively focused on delivering goodies from the current ones.

Powering the economic model is also another big issue which is partly addressed with a welcome emphasis on renewable energy sources which is the sole guarantee of energy independence.

Yet the question remains whether it makes more sense to rely on floating wind farms or solar installations as in current policy or relying on the limited supply of existing public buildings, car parks and reservoirs as proposed by the PN. 

Labour’s proposal for a wellbeing index hint at a broader framework, but without clarity on how it would shape policy, it risks being little more than a rhetorical device. But it could be a useful instrument if policies are aligned with it.

Inflation: treating symptoms, not causes

Both parties are addressing inflation primarily by boosting incomes and, to some extent, easing housing affordability. But this approach skirts deeper structural issues.

There is little serious discussion on rising food prices or the inflationary pressures linked to a tourism-driven economy, including gentrification. Rent—a key driver of living costs for segment of the population—remains largely unaddressed.

Pumping more money into the economy without tackling supply-side constraints risks fuelling the very inflation it seeks to offset. Moreover, there is no more talk on importation cartels once denounced by now Labour deputy leader Alex Agius Saliba.

Population growth and political evasion

Closely tied to this model is population growth. Both parties understand that economic expansion depends on a growing labour force, including foreign workers. Yet neither is willing to fully articulate this reality or defend it.

The PN frames higher wages in sectors like healthcare as a way to attract more Maltese workers, but stops short of acknowledging that improved conditions will also draw in foreign labour. Labour, too, avoids confronting the social implications of its model.

This reluctance to lead an honest conversation creates a vacuum. It is one reason why public debate often degenerates into resentment, as seen in the backlash following Abela’s decision to field Omar Rababah. Without political clarity, economic anxieties are easily redirected into anti-foreigner sentiment.

Traffic without behavioural change

Traffic has received some attention, but proposals remain underwhelming. Labour’s rail idea and the PN’s pledge to kickstart a mass transport system lacks a crucial element: how to shift people away from private car use.

Without behavioural change, large-scale infrastructure risks becoming financially unsustainable. Yet neither party is willing to discuss the trade-offs required—whether through restrictions, pricing mechanisms, or urban redesign.

The forgotten corruption issue

This campaign has, at least, avoided the sterile tit-for-tat accusations of corruption that characterised past elections like 2017 which saw PN leader Simon Busuttil taking the role of a self-appointed national prosecutor, also because of the institutional paralysis after Konrad Mizzi’s and Keith Schembri’s Panama accounts were discovered.

But the absence of major corruption accusations rocking the Abela administration and increased reluctance of the PN to rely on a single issue, has not been matched by a strong reform agenda which addresses Malta’s very serious structural problems.

With the exception of smaller parties like ADPD and Momentum, there is little emphasis on strengthening institutions, increasing transparency in the lands department, or empowering watchdog bodies.

Planning, and the silence on reform

On planning and the environment, consensus is limited to the need for more green spaces. Structural reform remains off the table.

Both major parties have been non-committal on practical proposals put forward by Gustizzja għal Artna, such as halting development during appeals, stopping the regularisation of illegal development in ODZ areas and strengthening planning enforcement.

Abela has hinted at revising local plans, but without assurances that this will not be driven by the same interests behind past controversial reforms including the developers’ wish-list presented to parliament last Summer. The PN is also wary of rocking the boat insisting on a long-lost balance between the environment and development.

Taxation: the untouchable tool

Taxation has become politically untouchable. Neither party is willing to use fiscal tools to incentivise behavioural change, whether in transport, energy use, or property speculation. 

Both major parties are keen on all gain, no pain formula for everyone. 

Even the €1,000 "super bonus” will be based on a flat rate irrespective of the level of income and will be paid to employees, pensioners who work, the self-employed and students. This underlies the absence of a clear social justice agenda aimed not at just helping everyone but at addressing inequality.

Here again, smaller players like Momentum have broken ranks, proposing measures such as a tax on vacant properties.

Civil liberties on pause

Finally, civil liberties—once a defining feature of Labour’s political identity—have faded into the background. The transformative LGBTIQ reforms of the past decade have no equivalent in this campaign.

Issues like abortion decriminalisation, women’s rights, and the long-term integration of foreign residents are largely absent from the political agenda. While the PN has indicated it will not roll back existing rights, apprehension remains among activists especially after Alex Borg backed calls on investigating women accessing abortion pills.

Moreover, Labour is no longer pushing the boundaries. The problem is that when boundaries are not pushed, the risk of the pendulum slowly swinging back increases, especially if a change in government results in the appointment of more conservative inclined people in key positions.