Looking forward 2024: After George: Trojan horse, rubber stamp, or breath of fresh air?

With George Vella's term as president ending on 4 April, the impending challenge for the political class is to reach consensus on his replacement. 

But finding a nominee able to obtain a two-thirds majority in parliament is unlikely to be an easy task. 

Avoiding a deadlock is crucial, given the historical difficulties in reaching consensus for such appointments. But how can Robert Abela succeed in reaching consensus without shooting himself in the foot by letting in a Trojan horse who could sabotage his agenda from San Anton Palace? And how far will the Opposition go in getting its way without sounding disruptive?

A Labour stalwart 

Abela may still opt to reward a respected party stalwart with the post. He will hope that the Opposition will play along not to look divisive and not to limit its own choices of appointing one of its own when elected back to power. 

Abela may justify this by citing the precedent set by previous Nationalist administrations who resorted to the appointment of political heavyweights which included all three candidates vying for the PN’s leadership election in 1977, namely Guido de Marco, Censu Tabone, and Eddie Fenech Adami. 

Moreover, both George Vella and Marie-Louise Coleiro Preca  were also backed by the Nationalist opposition when they were proposed. 

There is, however, a crucial difference between then and now. On previous occasions the Opposition backed the government’s choice in full knowledge that it had little say in the matter because the president was chosen by a simple majority in parliament. 

Now that it has a real say given the two-thirds majority rule introduced over the past four years it can afford to raise the stakes. 

If Abela follows tradition, he still faces the dire prospect of choosing the most deserving Labourite for the post, possibly stirring resentments within his own party. 

Evarist Bartolo, a former minister, was not elected in the 2022 general election

One obvious choice would have been that of veteran politician Evarist Bartolo whose charm, charisma, and intellectual gravitas make him an ideal candidate for the post. But Bartolo’s missives and Facebook digs on Abela’s government following his exit from parliament have dampened his chances.   

Other names touted in the past include that of Helena Dalli - the standard-bearer of Labour’s reformist agenda on civil liberties and a bête noire for moral conservatives. This choice would signal Abela’s determination to press on with a liberal agenda which was crippled by George Vella’s strong reservations. 

These came to the fore during the debate on a proposed amendment to allow abortion in cases where the health of the mother is in grave danger, which led to a humiliating retreat by Abela who was forced to water down the amendment in a way which was acceptable to Vella. 

Helena Dalli's term as European Commissioner ends in June

But Dalli’s appointment may be unacceptable for the PN for the same reason, especially if the party decides to use its power on the presidency to ensure the election of a conservative who would block any attempt to further dilute abortion restrictions or to introduce euthanasia. 

Dalli’s appointment would also give Abela the opportunity to appoint a woman to the role as Muscat did in 2014 and Mintoff in 1982 thus sending a strong feminist message. 

But the timing makes Helena Dalli’s choice more complicated since her term as European Commissioner will expire in June, three months after the expiry of Vella’s presidency. 

Other potential candidates who may fit the role include former tourism minister and former EU commissioner Karmenu Vella. 

Karmenu Vella, a former EU Commissioner, has been out of the political partisan fray since 2014

A charismatic man who can work with everybody, Vella has the advantage of having been out of the partisan fray since his appointment as commissioner in 2014. This also makes him immune from accusations of complicity with decisions taken under Joseph Muscat. 

But now in comfortable semi-retirement, Vella would probably have to be convinced to take up the role. 

Michael Falzon is currently social policy minister and one of Labour's longest-serving MPs

An outsider for the post is Social Policy Minister and former deputy leader Michael Falzon, another popular veteran and grassroots darling. But his appointment may well be shot down by the Opposition in view of the Gaffarena scandal which led to his temporary exit from Muscat’s government in 2016. Moreover, his appointment could open Pandora's box for Abela as it would trigger an early Cabinet reshuffle.

A stalwart from the PN 

One sure way to avoid a deadlock would be to take the cue from the Gonzi administration and propose a candidate from the ranks of the Opposition. 

Lawrence Gonzi’s nomination of Robert Abela’s father George took place in a different political context and was triggered by the PN’s wafer-thin victory in the 2008 general election. 

Moreover, George Abela was also palatable for most of the PN at the time because of his troublesome relationship with former Labour leader Alfred Sant and his support for EU membership. Yet even this choice had created negative ripples among Nationalists - including party rebel Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando and MEP Simon Busuttil - who disagreed with Gonzi’s choice. It also left party veterans like Louis Galea out in the cold. 

Dolores Cristina (left) is a former Nationalist minister who has also served as acting president under different administrations

But the negative reaction of Labour’s own grassroots to persistent rumors that Robert Abela was for a time considering appointing Lawrence Gonzi to the post makes this a very unlikely prospect. Moreover, such an appointment would be seen as a clear sign that Abela has given up on any further tinkering of abortion laws. 

Abela may still opt for a PN-leaning nominee with a lower profile, someone whom he deems trustworthy in a bid to send an inclusive message on the eve of MEP elections. Dolores Cristina, one of the three nominees presented to the PN’s parliamentary group by Bernard Grech in a meeting held last September, could be an option. She already served as acting president and her moderate temperament and reputation for institutional correctness make her the ideal mother figure for the nation.

A Labourite who is palatable to the PN 

The most striking name to be considered by the PN was that of Magistrate Joe Mifsud, a former international secretary of the Labour Party.

Magistrate Joe Mifsud is a sitting member of the judiciary and is one of the names proposed by Bernard Grech

The latter has already declared that he believes in the sanctity of life from conception to death, thus endearing himself to conservatives, but this could pose problems for Abela, whose party is electorally committed to commence a national discussion on euthanasia and may also consider amending abortion laws by reintroducing the abortion amendment as originally worded before it was watered down, once Vella is out of the way. 

Much depends on whether Abela really wants to ruffle feathers on sensitive moral issues. For appointing a conservative Labourite to the post could be a convenient way for Abela to shelve potentially divisive issues in his own party.

A president without a party 

To secure the consent of the Opposition, Robert Abela may also opt for a candidate who does not hail from a political or partisan background. 

But as George Vella himself has observed, a degree of political acumen is “an essential asset for the role”. One risk is that, in the absence of this political acumen, the person appointed could be relegated to a ceremonial rubber stamp. 

Frank Bezzina is an academic at the University of Malta and has been serving as acting president since June 2022

Abela has already opted for a non-political figure when he appointed economics professor and pro-rector Frank Bezzina to serve as acting president. It was Bezzina who signed a new IVF law allowing doctors to perform genetic testing on embryos, while George Vella, who had signalled his discomfort, was abroad. 

Abela may proceed to elevate Bezzina to the presidency or to opt for another high-profile academic.

Marika Mizzi is the public relations officer of Caritas and is one of the names proposed by Bernard Grech

One of the names proposed by Bernard Grech for the consideration of his parliamentary group was that of Marika Mizzi, a press officer for George Abela when he served as president and presently a fundraising officer in Caritas. But it is doubtful whether Mizzi has the political gravitas to become Malta’s head of state. 

Robert Abela may also resort to a game of musical chairs, by considering commissioners already appointed with the consent of the Opposition in various roles. 

Jesmond Saliba is commissioner for voluntary organisations, having been appointed to the role following unanimous approval by parliament

One public appointee who enjoyed the trust of the Opposition was Jesmond Saliba, who hails from a PN background but who was appointed Commissioner for Voluntary Organizations after gaining unanimous backing in Parliament's Public Appointments Committee in August 2021.

An extended term for Vella 

George Vella can be appointed for a second term although he has clearly said he would like to retire in April. 

However, he will have to stay in office until an agreement with the Opposition is reached on a replacement. This could indefinitely prolong Vella’s term as has already happened with Ombudsman Anthony Mifsud whose term was prolonged by 20 months due to a failure to reach a deal. 

President George Vella inspecting the guard of honour outside the Palace in Valletta on Republic Day (Photo: DOI)

Yet as Vella himself has warned Malta would risk appearing in front of the world “as a nation that can’t agree on a head of state.” 

This may well be the inevitable consequence of a well-meaning but half-baked reform which imposes a need to seek consensus on a bipartisan context, instead of handing over to a wider electoral college or directly to the people as happens in other parliamentary democracies like Portugal, Ireland, Finland, and Austria.