His first hundred days

The first hundred days of any administration traditionally constitute a litmus test.

Cartoon by Mark Scicluna
Cartoon by Mark Scicluna

At face value, the transition of power from the previous administration to the current one has seemed calm and tranquil. This is, in itself, a sign that the country has matured and that major changes are no longer the order of the day.

But dramatic change does take place for the long list of political appointees in crucial posts within each and every administration.

That there would be some 'acceptable' upheaval, given that the PN government occupied Castille since 1998, goes without saying. One did not expect the same people to be reappointed.

The focus of the media has been fixed on the new brigade of appointees, who, in the vast majority, were chosen based on the premise that they are admirers of or close to the Labour Party.

This in itself does not exclude one from being chosen, but it defies the campaign call of 'meritocracy'.

The same mistakes committed by the Nationalist government in imposing a nepotistic system have been repeated by the Muscat administration, despite the very determined pre-electoral commitment to do away with nepotism and to embrace meritocracy.

Today's MaltaToday survey is an indication that Muscat cannot take things for granted and should be very cautious about taking the public for a ride. Though there is still a nationwide gap between him and Simon Busuttil, he should consider the message to be loud and clear.

The sheer volume of his one-sided political appointments has shaken public confidence in his promise of a 'Malta for all'.

Certain elements in the media know the work being done behind the scenes to kick-start the economy. It is perhaps not evident in the public domain, though, because firstly, the finalisation of certain projects is not at all clear and secondly, the government's communication arm is still inadequate.

Joseph Muscat's premiership has steered away from controversy, however some of his ministers have plunged themselves into the cauldron of media attention for the simple reason that they are insensitive to public opinion.

Manuel Mallia's presence at the prisons was a case in point. There is nothing improper in giving due attention to inmates at Kordin, yet, the Home Affairs Minister's excessive enthusiasm when visiting the prison - greeted by the Labour Party's campaign song and the announcement of an amnesty - did not go down well with many onlookers.

The Franco Mercieca waiver was another avoidable incident, but it spiralled out of control after it was discovered that Mercieca was still working privately. Muscat's decision to stand by Mercieca was a mistake.

On the bright side, the transition of power has been smooth and there have not been any major administrative mistakes. But perhaps we are simply unable to identify anything major and fundamental because it is too early in the day.

Beyond the fundamental expectation of 'good governance', the issue of the economy is still instrumental to winning public support. If Muscat manages to improve the purchasing power of the Maltese public, he will sustain his popularity. If he falters, people will remember his mistakes and his minister's bad judgement.

He must also acknowledge that he cannot repeat the blatant mistakes of the previous administration. 

The 36,000 voters who elected Muscat are not all in favour of wide-scale development, espousing a strict policy towards migrants, offering a green light to hunting and imposing policies on a whim rather than on principle (and genuine political will).

The bridge to Gozo

The decision to consider the construction of a bridge from Malta to Gozo is not only ludicrous and preposterous but absolute madness. That Joseph Muscat does not appreciate the gravity of such a proposal is in itself worrying.

Apart from the cost to build such a bridge, the environmental disaster for the whole archipelago is not to be underestimated. There is no economic sense in building such a bridge, less so when one realises the limited advantages of such a bridge.

The specialness of Gozo would be forever destroyed, as would that of Comino and the northern peninsula of Malta.

If Minister for Gozo Anton Refalo believes that he should organise a referendum on this question, he must not limit it to the Gozitans but extend it to the Maltese.