As EU mood turns against Israel, will Malta lead or follow?

Up until a few months ago, Malta cautiously followed Spain and Ireland’s lead without taking the decisive step of recognising Palestine. But has Malta’s caution cost it leadership, as the EU mood slowly but decisively turns against Israel? James Debono tries to answer the question.

Malta's foreign policy has always been favourable to the Palestinian cause
Malta's foreign policy has always been favourable to the Palestinian cause

Given its history and the broad political consensus in favour of a Palestinian state, Malta was well-positioned to take a leading role in calls for sanctions against Israel over war crimes and violations of international law.

Instead, in recent months, Malta has stepped back, opting to follow the lead of more vocal EU member states and hesitating even to take the basic step—already undertaken by Spain and Ireland last year—of recognising the Palestinian state.

This reluctance is especially striking given that, unlike Germany and other member states, Malta is not weighed down by a paralysing sense of ‘Holocaust guilt’. And like Ireland, it has a colonial past that should foster greater affinity with the colonised Palestinians. Moreover, Prime Minister Robert Abela faces no domestic political resistance, with the Nationalist Party also calling for immediate recognition of Palestine.

A historical legacy

Abela also carries a legacy that has defined Maltese foreign policy since the 1970s. Malta has recognised Palestinian “aspirations” for statehood since 1988 and has hosted a Palestinian embassy ever since.

Two of the country’s post-independence political giants—Dom Mintoff and Guido de Marco—firmly supported and befriended Yasser Arafat, even when he was shunned by most western governments and well before the Oslo Agreement.

In 1974, Prime Minister Dom Mintoff had invited the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) to open an office in Malta. Addressing the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly in Strasbourg in 1978, Dom Mintoff accused western European states of impotence; shirking their responsibility in seeking a solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict which had already persisted for three decades.

Furthermore, during his tenure as President of the United Nations General Assembly from 1990 to 1991, Guido de Marco visited refugee camps in the occupied Palestinian territories, including the Gaza Strip, despite vocal opposition from the United States. He did so during a particularly difficult period after the First Gulf War, when Saddam Hussein launched Scud missiles at Israel.

Malta is also the country where, in 2002, both Alfred Sant and Eddie Fenech Adami had no qualms about wearing a keffiyeh during a pro-Palestinian protest—even though the symbolic gesture angered the Israeli ambassador.

Compare this legacy to the present day. Only a few politicians like MEPs Alex Agius Saliba and David Casa, and Nationalist MPs like Mario de Marco and Albert Buttigieg, speak passionately and forcefully on this issue. While the PN is often bogged down by the traditional alignment of its European family (EPP), with pro-Israeli positions, Labour is also reluctant to stir international waters.

Crucially, not only is Malta still waiting for the right time to recognise Palestine as a state, but it has even remained silent when Israeli drones allegedly (but most probably) attacked a boat just outside its territorial waters and within its designated Exclusive Economic Zone.

Following instead of leading

Instead of taking a leading role, Malta has been overtaken by Pedro Sánchez’s Spain and Micheál Martin’s Ireland as the EU’s most vocal critics of Israeli actions in Gaza.

Significantly, Malta failed to join Spain, Norway, and Ireland when all three granted full recognition to the Palestinian state in May 2024.

Sure, Malta continues to state its intention to recognise Palestine when it believes such recognition would make a positive contribution and when the circumstances are right. But this appears to mean waiting for other major players like France or the UK to move first.

While Malta supports these broader initiatives led by other countries, it has consistently avoided stepping into a leadership role.

Unlike Abela, Sánchez has publicly called for Israel’s suspension from international cultural and sporting events. Spain has also officially joined South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice, accusing Israel of violating the Genocide Convention.

A tectonic shift

The danger now is that Malta risks being left behind by a growing shift in European public opinion, which has turned decisively against Israel—even if this shift has yet to translate into full-blown sanctions.

But the fact that traditional and long-standing Israeli allies like the Netherlands are fronting the call for a review of EU trade agreements with Israel speaks volumes about the change in mood triggered by the use of starvation as a weapon of war.

After missing the opportunity to lead the change in EU policy, that change is now happening regardless of Malta’s stance.

Sure, this changed landscape will make it safer for Malta to recognise Palestine, but it will hardly go down in history as an act of boldness.

While Prime Minister Abela and Labour politicians have criticised EU President Roberta Metsola for her soft touch on Israel, government action has remained extremely cautious. This raises questions about whether Labour is taking a principled stance or simply trying to score points against Metsola and the PN.

Why the caution?

Revulsion at Hamas’s 7 October heinous terror attack may explain the initial hesitation, even though Israel’s response quickly revealed a blatant disregard for international law.

It was not hard to predict that, if left unchecked, Israel—led by a government with far-right elements—would wreak havoc. But EU and US leaders, including Roberta Metsola, immediately embarked on “bear hug diplomacy”, showering Israel with support in the vain hope that it would respect international law.

The Maltese government’s response was more muted. In this aspect, Ian Borg’s caution was wiser than Metsola’s hasty decision to visit Tel Aviv when bombs were already falling on Palestinians. But at that stage, Malta was also cautious in condemning Israel’s actions.

This caution can partly be explained by Malta’s institutional roles in international bodies.

As a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council during the early phases of the war, Malta aimed to act as a constructive bridge-builder and honest broker. Premature recognition could have compromised its ability to engage with both sides.

But while Malta played an instrumental role in the adoption of the resolution, this has made little difference on the ground.

Malta may also have been influenced by its assumption of the OSCE Chairmanship, which places it under a sensitive diplomatic spotlight.

Another possible reason for Malta’s caution is the fear of offending the US, particularly following the potential return of a vengeful and unstable Donald Trump.

Malta’s pending application to join the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)—where decisions impacting Malta’s tax regime are taken—could be another reason. Israel, like any other member of this forum, can veto Malta’s membership.

A crisis of confidence

Ultimately, Malta’s timidity appears rooted in a loss of confidence and an unwillingness to rock the boat—an unintended consequence of EU membership, which gave us a seat at the table, but one that means little if we have nothing to say.

For the past two years, Malta has chosen to play it safe—keeping a measured distance from Europe’s most outspoken critics of Israel while quietly supporting most of their initiatives.

In doing so, Malta may have gained credibility within western and European institutions traditionally supportive of Israel. But in the process, Malta may also have lost the soft power that comes with taking a principled stand.

This approach also reflects a lack of ambition and a diminished will to confront global injustices—a sentiment that was much stronger among Malta’s first post-colonial leaders.

But the change of mood even among Israel’s closest allies in Europe now makes Abela’s caution on recognising the state of Palestine even harder to fathom. Even his own deputy leader, Alex Agius Saliba, is pressing him to take this step now.

The question remains: What is Abela waiting for before heeding the advice of his own deputy leader?

Addressing Parliament on Wednesday, Abela hinted that Malta is waiting for major international developments in June—suggesting that once again, Malta will follow the steps taken by major players like France instead of taking the lead.

This analysis was first published in the print edition of MaltaToday on Sunday before the prime minister announced Malta will recognise the Palestinian state towards the end of June 2025.

Malta’s diplomatic initiatives on Gaza: A timeline

Deputy Prime Minister Ian Borg presiding over a meeting of the UN Security Council
Deputy Prime Minister Ian Borg presiding over a meeting of the UN Security Council

October 2023: Malta voted in favour of a UN General Assembly resolution on, calling for an immediate, durable, and sustained humanitarian truce in Gaza, including protection of civilians and rescinding Israel's evacuation order in northern Gaza.

November 2023: Malta sponsored and helped pass UN Security Council Resolution 2712, which called for extended humanitarian pauses in Gaza to allow aid delivery and the release of hostages; this was the first Security Council resolution on the conflict after several failed attempts.

December 2023. Malta's government reaffirmed its readiness to recognise the State of Palestine, contingent upon what it deemed the “right circumstances.” Malta co-signed a joint letter with Spain, Ireland, and Belgium urging the European Council to call for a lasting humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza and convene an international peace conference.

March 2024: Malta played a key role in adopting UN Security Council Resolution 2728, demanding an immediate ceasefire in Gaza during Ramadan and the release of all hostages; notably, this was the first joint motion by non-permanent members on a geographic conflict.

Prime Minister Robert Abela joined leaders from Ireland, Slovenia, and Spain in a statement calling for an immediate ceasefire, unconditional release of hostages, increased humanitarian aid to Gaza, and expressed readiness to recognise Palestine when it “positively contributes to peace”.

May 2025: Malta joined six other European countries in signing a joint declaration calling for a ceasefire in the Middle East and humanitarian aid delivery to Gaza.

Malta backed a Dutch proposal to review the EU-Israel trade agreement, citing concerns about the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and violations of international law. The focus is on reassessing Article 2 of the agreement, which conditions trade on respect for human rights and democratic principles.