Voting for the government’s choice

The Constitution stipulates that the President “shall be appointed by Resolution of the House of Representatives” and although this only requires a simple majority, it is customary for prime ministers to consult the leader of the opposition. But with the exception of Sir Anthony Mamo and George Abela, the opposition opposed all previous nominations. In three cases, the opposition went as far as calling for a division. 

Anthony Mamo – the civil servant

Mintoff’s first choice of Malta’s last Governor General as President represented institutional continuity with pre-republican institutions. As a non-partisan civil servant and former Chief Justice, Sir Anthony Mamo was a non-partisan figure respected by both sides. In June 1962, when Admiral Sir Guy Grantham ended his term as governor, the Queen, acting on the advice of the Prime Minister George Borg Olivier, appointed Sir Anthony Mamo Acting Governor pending the arrival of the new Governor, Sir Maurice Dorman. Since then, Sir Anthony Mamo acted on several occasions, as Governor’s Deputy and later, under the Malta Independence Constitution, as Acting Governor-General. Following Mintoff’s election in 1971, Sir Anthony Mamo was appointed first Maltese Governor-General. In a sign of continuity, he held office as the first President of Malta between 13 December 1974 and 26 December 1976.

How the Opposition voted:

Voted against after calling for a division Censu Tabone, Guido de Marco, Eddie Fenech Adami

Voted against without calling for a division Anton Buttigieg, Ugo Mifsud Bonnici

Absent from parliament Agatha Barbara

Voted in favour of government's nominee Anthony Mamo, George Abela

Anton Buttigieg – From deputy leader to President

Mintoff’s choice as Malta’s second President was the Labour party’s deputy leader Anton Buttigieg, who was serving as Minister of Justice before his appointment as President. In a recent article, former Nationalist MP Michael Falzon recalled that “the great majority of the PN parliamentary group were livid” when confronted by Mintoff’s choice.  But George Borg Olivier reminded his MPs that whatever the opposition would say and however it would vote, Buttigieg was going to become President and the link between the President and the Opposition was not one to be thrown to the dogs just to make a point.  When the motion to appoint Buttigieg as President was discussed in parliament, the opposition did not pass any comment and simply voted against the motion without asking for a division.

Agatha Barbara – healing the wounds

In February 1982, 59-year-old Agatha Barbara – a former Minister of Education – was elected as the third President by a parliament marked by the absence of the opposition MPs, which were boycotting parliament in protest against the perverse 1981 election result.  Speaking in parliament, Mintoff praised Barbara for her dedication to the nation, singling out her imprisonment by the colonial authorities in the 1958 national strike. Mintoff underlined the historical nature of her appointment as the first Maltese women to serve as the country’s Head of State. Although reviled by supporters of the opposition, President Agatha Barbara took a conciliatory role, convening meetings of party representatives at San Anton aimed at resolving the constitutional impasse.  Former PN deputy leader described these meeting as the ‘Sibtijiet Flimkien’ meetings – after the popular TV show of the time. 

Censu Tabone – The social boycott

The opposition’s “social boycott” against Censu Tabone represented the most divisive stance ever adopted by an opposition in response to a Presidential appointment.  The resolution for Tabone’s appointment was approved with 35 votes in favour and 34 against after the opposition called a division.  The opposition chose not to attend a special sitting of parliament in the Grand Council Chamber in the Palace during which Tabone was sworn in. 

Opposition leader Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici recalled Tabone’s role in trying to move an Industrial Relations Act in 1968, which would have resulted in the imprisonment of trade unionists.  He also claimed that as foreign minister, Tabone had “dishonored” the Maltese people by upgrading the Israeli representation in Malta and for having refused to recognize the state of Palestine. 

The only characteristic that KMB approved of was that he was Gozitan. Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici’s hard-line stance must be seen in view of talk of constitutional reform, which would have seen greater powers being given to the Presidency and the government’s refusal to prolong the term of Acting President Paul Xuereb. In parliament, Mifsud Bonnici argued that once some of the President’s powers were to increase, the President should be from the PN side when the Labour Party was in power and from the Labour Party when the PN was in power. 

The opposition’s boycott of the presidency was only lifted after the election of Alfred Sant as opposition leader in 1992. Sant went to great lengths to restore dialogue with the presidency through regular meetings with Tabone, during which the Labour leader’s daughter was to establish a friendship with the elderly president.

Ugo Mifsud Bonnici – Sant’s break with the past

Alfred Sant’s composed reaction towards Ugo Mifsud Bonnici’s election was in stark contrast with Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici’s reaction to Censu Tabone’s appointment. Although the opposition voted against the motion, it did not call for a division. Moreover the parliamentary sitting was a short ten-minute affair in which only the Prime Minister spoke with the opposition refraining from making any comments. Ugo Mifsud Bonnici retained the respect of both sides during the parliamentary crisis, which saw Alfred Sant advising the dissolution of parliament after he lost his parliamentary majority.

Guido de Marco – Back to confrontation

In a clear indication that Alfred Sant had been embittered by what he saw as a conspiracy between Dom Mintoff and the Nationalist opposition to topple him from power, Sant vehemently objected to the nomination of Guido de Marco as President. 

He accused de Marco of having a “prime role in plots, which undermined the Labour government.”  He also accused the newly elected government of not showing a “sense of fair play” by nominating de Marco who was “in the thick of political controversy on matters such as the EU.”  He described de Marco as “someone who personifies controversy.” The opposition voted against after calling for a division.  During his presidency de Marco reached out to the General Workers Union, establishing a friendly rapport with secretary general Tony Zarb. He also called for a reform of drug laws and made it clear that he would not resign from office if a divorce law were approved by parliament.

Eddie Fenech Adami – From PM to President

In March 2004 parliament elected Eddie Fenech Adami as President at the end of a bitter debate between Prime Minister Lawrence Gonzi and Opposition Leader Alfred Sant.

Alfred Sant argued that as a former prime minister and party leader, Eddie Fenech Adami was a divisive element. He described his nomination for the Presidency as shameful and humiliating to a large section of the people.

Alfred Sant questioned Fenech Adami’s political record, accusing him of having negotiated with criminals when Joseph Fenech (Zeppi l-Hafi) was granted three Presidential pardons. But Sant also made it clear that Labour Party would continue to respect the Office of President.

The motion for the appointment of Fenech Adami was approved after a division, with 33 government votes in favour and 29 against.

George Abela – first appointment from the opposition

Lawrence Gonzi goes down in history are the only Prime Minister to nominate a leading figure of the opposition as President, after winning a wafer-thin majority in the 2008 general election. Before being chosen as president, Abela had contested the party’s leadership and had been earmarked as an MEP candidate by Muscat.

But Gonzi’s historic choice was not made without consideration to partisan politics. In fact the nomination proved to be a serious embarrassment for senior opposition figures like former PM Alfred Sant and former deputy leader George Vella, with whom Abela had clashed in 1998.

In fact both were absent in the vote, which saw Abela unanimously approved by both sides. On the government benches, the only dissenting voice belonged to Jeffrey Pullicino Orlando, who did not attend the sitting.

Coleiro Preca: Joseph’s choice, Simon’s dilemma

Coleiro Preca will be the first nominee hailing from the party in government to be approved by the opposition.

During a meeting held on Monday afternoon, Nationalist MPs decided to vote in favour of the motion proposing Coleiro Preca to become Malta’s ninth President.

PN leader Simon Busuttil has consistently called on Muscat to appoint a new president from the Nationalist camp, however the prime minister ruled this out, opting instead for a trusted MP from his own camp.

Last week, PN leader Simon Busuttil said he wasn’t consulted by Muscat, protesting that he was presented with a fait accompli. However the PN eventually decided to back the nomination.

Had the PN decided to vote against or abstain in voting on Coleiro Preca’s nomination, it would have risked appearing parochial and isolating itself from the wider electorate. The PN’s choice also dispels the negative image of an entrenched opposition, opposed to anything the present government does.

In this way Busuttil has balanced his hawkish attacks on the government and his divisive role in the electoral campaign by appearing conciliatory in a highly symbolic moment.  Voting against Coleiro Preca would have sent the message that the PN is still digging its heels in.

The decision to back the appointment of the Qormi MP, who enjoyed the approval of 40% of PN voters in the latest MaltaToday survey on ministers’ ratings, seems to be a sensible one, especially since she will be replacing a President who was also unanimously approved as Head of State.