[ANALYSIS] Simon Busuttil’s shadow cabinet: inclusion at all costs

Simon Busuttil's shadow cabinet departs from Lawrence Gonzi's more exclusive style of leadership by involving his entire parliamentary group, ditching the notion of a front bench and a backbench, promoting potential dissidents and appeasing loyalists.

Certainly, the choices made by Busuttil in his shadow cabinet show that he has learnt from the mistakes of his predecessor, who opted for a small and restricted Cabinet... a decision which contributed to the creation of a restless backbench.

Coupled with his decision to change the party's statute to create a vacancy for two deputy leaders instead, Busuttil has already set the tune for the next few years; keeping everyone on board and thus broadening responsibility over his team's successes or failures.

Still, one may well say that inclusion is an easier task in opposition - where the main task is scrutinising government - than in government, when it all becomes about taking concrete decisions. It also comes at a cost: as Busuttil will not separate the wheat from the chaff.

Busuttil goes even further than Joseph Muscat who, as opposition leader, involved all his MPs in his shadow cabinet but made a distinction between main and secondary spokespersons. 

Probably this is one of the few advantages of leading a leaner parliamentary group composed of 29 MPs, among them former leader Lawrence Gonzi, who is on his way out.

But clearly, Busuttil is more conditioned by Muscat's cabinet choices than Muscat was by Gonzi's. 

While Muscat created an alternative structure, giving birth to new embryonic portfolios from the opposition and emphasising new themes like climate change, animal rights and gender equality, Busuttil seems keen on engaging his foot-soldiers on the same turf as Labour's ministers and parliamentary secretaries.

The most remarkable change from the Gonzi years is Busuttil's readiness to co-opt disgruntled former backbenchers like Robert Arrigo by giving him a taste of the cabinet post he always coveted while at the same time retaining veteran former Ministers like Joe Cassar, Chris Said, Giovanna Debono, George Pullicino and Tonio Fenech in the same portfolio they served as ministers. 

In so doing, in some cases he seems to have given more importance to party unity than to competence and the need for change.

In his choices, Busuttil also displayed an ability to recognise his party's challenges and problems with particular segments of voters, giving the self-employed portfolio to Mario de Marco, the planning and simplification portfolio to the hard-working and business-friendly Claudio Grech and creating a committee for the south chaired by Stephen Spiteri but involving all five MPs elected from the south.

Robert Arrigo: co-opted to the front bench

Excluded from Gonzi's cabinets despite his heavyweight status as one of the few MPs elected from two districts, Robert Arrigo finds himself shadowing Tourism Minister Karmenu Vella. In one stroke, Busuttil has eliminated one of the roots of disgruntlement left festering by Lawrence Gonzi. For Arrigo always defended his eligibility to serve as tourism minister despite the perceived conflict of interest due to his interests as a hotelier. By giving Arrigo the role he always coveted despite his internal opposition to his election in both the deputy leader and leadership contests, Busuttil has shown an ability to rise over internal squabble. But by appointing Arrigo to tourism spokesperson, Busuttil has shown little sensitivity to potential conflict of interests Arrigo may have in this role, banking on Arrigo's strong ability to empathise with the industry. On this count, Busuttil seems to be displaying the same attitude of Joseph Muscat, who appointed a prominent businessman as chief of staff and gave Karmenu Vella the tourism portfolio despite his past directorships in major players like Corinthia Group. In order to appease Arrigo, Busuttil had to remove the tourism portfolio from Mario de Marco, the most successful PN minister in the last legislature according to a MaltaToday survey held in October. On the other hand, Arrigo's eternal rival George Pullicino has retained most of his former ministerial portfolio despite his less rosy track record.

George Pulllicino: burdened by incumbency?

It is certainly the case that Pullicino's experience and political acumen may be useful in confronting Konrad Mizzi - arguably the greatest gamble in Muscat's cabinet, especially when one considers that Muscat himself has tied his political future to the success of Mizzi's energy plan.

One would expect the astute Pullicino - who is also knowledgeable in planning and tendering procedures - will prove to be a formidable stumbling block to the current government's plans to fast track its energy proposals.   

But Pullicino's track record on renewable energy - where Malta remains a laggard at the bottom of the EU list - and water conservation - where who he moved at a snail's pace to confront ground water extraction - handicaps Pullicino's credibility. In many ways, Pullicino embodies the collective failures of the Nationalist governments in these sectors.

It is also unclear under which shadow cabinet portfolio the important issue of waste management falls. While Pullicino is probably the most well-versed on this issue (having built many of the structures in this sector), he also left Malta a laggard with regards to waste recycling and recovery targets set by EU directives.

In fact, there is nothing much to speak about Pullicino's legacy except the various embellishment projects which no longer form part of his portfolio. 

On a positive note, Busuttil has separated the resources portfolio from agriculture - intrinsically problematic due to farmers' reliance on ground water extraction. The agriculture portfolio has been handed to veteran Censu Galea.

Tonio Fenech: Defending a legacy

In opposition, Tonio Fenech will retain the finances portfolio but has been divested of Enemalta, which formed part of his ministerial responsibility. In the way, Fenech will be solely dedicated to shadowing Finance Minister Edward Scicluna.  

Fenech's ministerial and political experience would come handy in confronting a technocrat like Edward Scicluna. The media-savvy Fenech is also a good performer in TV debates. Once again, Busuttil could be banking on a parliamentary showdown between the two, trusting in Fenech's political acumen outwitting Scicluna's technocratic frame of mind. 

Unlike Pullicino, Fenech does have a strong legacy to defend: that of keeping the country financially afloat amidst the greatest global crisis since the Great Depression. Yet Fenech's legacy also includes the massive Enemalta debt, which may well prove to be one of the country's greatest burdens. His legacy also includes the tax cuts for high-income earners proposed in his last unapproved budget but carried out by the Labour government. By doing so, Fenech may well have left Labour enough rope to hang themselves with by creating a shortfall in revenue. 

If Labour fails to make up for this shortfall through extra revenue generated by economic growth, Fenech may well have been the architect of the PN's recovery before his party actually lost the election. It would be difficult for Labour to attack Fenech for leaving them an inheritance which they were so keen to endorse.

Also retained in their posts where two other popular former ministers, Chris Said in his role as Minister for the Family and Social Solidarity and Joe Cassar in his role as Minister for Health.  

Jason Azzopardi, responsible for lands and small businesses in the last Gonzi administration now finds himself shadowing home affairs while Beppe Fenech Adami is shadowing the justice portfolio. Ironically, Busuttil has kept justice and home affairs separate after the two ministries were re-united by Muscat despite Labour's past criticism of the fusion of the two.

One major risk taken by Busuttil is the appointment of Clyde Puli as his spokesperson on education-a role associated with former PN heavyweights like Louis Galea and Dolores Cristina. While Puli has grown in stature after serving as parliamentary secretary for youth and sports within the education ministry, he will be taking on Labour's most experienced and capable cabinet members: Evarist Bartolo. The populist Puli must also resist his partisan instincts to avoid unnecessary confrontation in a field marked by consensus between government and opposition. Former mayor of Mellieha Robert Cutajar finds himself taking Clyde Puli previous portfolio and will be shadowing Stefan Bountempo. 

De Marco: mending the fences

One of Busuttil's most surprising decisions was to move de Marco from the three sectors in which he delivered: government, planning, culture and tourism. Instead, Busuttil has appointed his rival in the leadership contest as his spokesperson on the economy, investment and small businesses.

This suggests that Busuttil considers the economy as the determining factor in the next election and is banking on a strong team. He also could be banking on de Marco's ability to reach out towards disgruntled categories.

De Marco's popularity among switchers could come in handy when it comes to helping the party to reach out to the self-employed, even if these could include a number of businesses irked by MEPA, for which de Marco was responsible. De Marco could be a strong counterpart to Chris Cardona and a strong ally of Tonio Fenech in what appears a strong economic team, which also includes newcomer Kirsty Debono, an economist by profession. Debono left a positive impression in her first speech in parliament, which was dedicated to the risks posed by over reliance on construction and property.

Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici: Kicked upstairs?

Simon Busuttil refrained from re-appointing Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici to the home affairs portfolio from which he was removed by parliament through a motion backed by maverick Franco Debono. In so doing, Busuttil may have recognised that Mifsud Bonnici's legacy could come in the way of his scrutiny of Mallia's portfolio, which surprisingly re-united the Justice and Home Affairs portfolio. Following Mallia's surprise visit to the Corradino Correctional Facility - which exposed systematic abuse among prison warders - reappointing Mifsud Bonnici was unthinkable.

Instead, Mifsud Bonnici has been offered the more prestigious foreign affairs portfolio, which may well carry a great weight in government but lacks the same weight in opposition. It is also a role in which the former Minister fits in well, considering his deep interest and understanding of international politics.

Moreover, Busuttil has mimicked Muscat in separating foreign affairs from the more strategic European affairs portfolio. Mifsud Bonnici coupling with George Vella - arguably both past their golden years - could indicate that both political leaders have followed the same yardstick in appointing the two diminished political giants. 

On the other hand, Francis Zammit Dimech (who occupied the foreign ministry in the last days of the Gonzi administration), will be taking the culture and communications portfolio, a role with which he is already familiar through past ministerial experience. Zammit Dimech probably has greater enthusiasm for culture than Jose Herrera and has a connection with the cultural scene. 

As spokesperson for communications, Zammit Dimech will also shadow Emmanuel Mallia as the minister responsible for PBS. The new Labour Minister now finds himself shadowed by two Nationalist spokespersons. Jason Azzopardi will be his counterpart on home affairs while Zammit Dimech will be his counterpart on broadcasting. A third spokesperson, Beppe Fenech Adami, will shadow junior Minister Owen Bonnici (who works in Mallia's ministry).

The newcomers

The choice of IT guru Claudio Grech in shadowing Michael Farrugia's planning and simplification portfolio is an interesting one. 

Grech's experience in the IT field makes him an ideal choice in formulating policies aimed at the simplification of bureaucratic procedures.  

But like his counterpart in government, Grech lacks any experience in planning or environmental issues and the appointment of the business friendly MP could be indicative of Busuttil's attempt to mend fences with the developers' lobby.

Charlo Bonnici, an employee of construction magnate Zaren Vassallo, emerges as the new green face of the PN shadowing Leo Brincat's sustainable development and climate change ministry. Bonnici is an unknown quantity, considering his lack of previous ministerial experience in the field.

Surprisingly, Marthese Portelli - a business development manager with an IT company - now occupies the party's European affairs portfolio shadowing Deputy Prime Minister Louis Grech. Busuttil has also pitted newcomer Kirsty Debono - an economist - against Edward Zammit Lewis. Paula Mifsud Bonnici will be taking the consumer affairs portfolio.

Busuttil has sent a clear message by putting women in three strategic roles outside the female social affairs or education ghetto. It is interesting that two of these women (Portelli and Debono) will be shadowing two males (Grech and Zammit Lewis).

On the other hand, former TV personality Claudette Buttigieg will be shadowing sociologist (former Miss Malta) Helena Dalli as spokesperson for social dialogue and civil liberties. Pace's gay-friendly political posture makes her an ideal candidate to bridge fences with this category of voters.

Architect Anthony Bezzina emerges as a rising star shadowing Joe Mizzi's transport and infrastructure portfolios. He also has the advantage of being unconnected to the Austin Gatt clan and as an MP hailing from the south he could bring to the forth the difficulties faced by southern commuters. His direct and abrasive style also matches that of Joe Mizzi.

Busuttil's mimicry of Muscat's choices is very evident in the appointment of 29-year-old MP Ryan Callus (an engineer by profession) as the counterpart of Ian Borg who found himself in charge of EU funding at the tender age of 27 years after a stint as mayor of Dingli. 

Surgeon Albert Fenech has also been pitted against eye surgeon Franco Mercieca in the disability rights portfolio.

Muscat's cabinet choices also provided Busuttil with a way of splitting the Gozo portfolio between Giovanna Debono and Frederick Azzopardi, thus keeping both MPs on board. Curiously, while appointing a parliamentary committee for the south of Malta, Busuttil has not done the same with his Gozitan MP despite the party's massive losses on the sister island.

While Debono will be shadowing Anton Refalo, who has been stripped by Muscat of responsibility over health and education, Azzopardi will assume responsibility over health and education in Gozo two areas, which now fall under the national health and education ministries. 

In so doing Busuttil has recognised Debono's role as the party's Gozitan heavy weight but has slightly diminished her role to accommodate Azzopardi.

Medical doctor Stephen Spiteri, who missed 81% of sittings in the first six months of 2011, now occupies the twin post of spokesperson for employment-a key PN theme- and has the added responsibility of chairing the committee of the parliamentary group for the south. 

The creation of such a committee shows recognition on Busuttil's part of the PN's failure to communicate with electors in the south of Malta. But even on this count, Busuttil is emulating Muscat who had appointed Silvio Parnis as his spokesperson for the south of Malta.