Looking back 2025 | Alex Borg: Enthusiasm surges but gravitas lags

Alex Borg defied gloomy predictions after the Nationalist Party was left in the cold by Roberta Metsola, who refused to be arm-twisted by Bernard Grech’s sudden resignation.

Instead, the PN ended up with a leader whose novice charm has left Labour Party strategists scrambling. While Metsola carried gravitas and Adrian Delia had more experience, Borg’s strength lies in being harder to pin down.

Early signs suggest he has galvanised PN activists and voters—a necessary first step for any leader aspiring to be prime minister, even if he still needs to make significant inroads among Labour voters and non-voters.

But Borg did manage to chip away at Robert Abela’s lead on the MaltaToday trust barometer. The November survey showed Abela ahead by around 10 points—a solid lead but significantly narrower than the 16- to 30-point gulf that existed when Grech and Delia were leaders.

The main reason is that while Borg is trusted by 87% of PN voters, Grech was consistently trusted by less than 60%. The figures point towards consolidation among PN voters.

Baptism of fire

Borg survived a government budget framed as generous, targeted, and socially expansive. The administration hyped new benefits to reinforce its narrative of stability and continuity. Yet Borg’s ratings remained steady despite a reply that was sometimes stiff and lacklustre. While he still lacks Abela’s forcefulness, he held his ground under pressure.

Key to Borg’s upward trajectory is his lack of political baggage, a Teflon-like resistance to attacks, and the charm of youth. Attempts to belittle him have tended to boomerang, in much the same way Labour’s young leader Joseph Muscat benefited from dismissive attacks that amplified his relatability back in 2008.

But Borg’s most significant accomplishment is emotional. He has reignited enthusiasm in a party that had resigned itself to permanent opposition. Although a PN victory in 2027 remains improbable, it can no longer be dismissed outright. Borg has repeatedly insisted that his objective is winning, not merely reducing Labour’s margin. For a demoralised party, that psychological shift matters.

Yet the calendar may not be his friend. A long campaign stretching to spring 2027 carries clear risks. He may lose the sense of freshness that currently insulates him, while Labour gains more time to test his gravitas, pushing him into deeper policy terrain where his inexperience is harder to mask.

Young PN supporters at a mass rally to celebrate Alex Borg’s first 100 days as party leader (Photo: PN)

Not speaking like a prime minister

Borg’s vulnerabilities are already visible. His tendency to shoot from the hip has generated avoidable missteps—suggesting branded medicines are superior to generics, or casually invoking “suldati tal-azzar” without appreciating the historical weight the phrase carries. Such errors feed into the narrative that Borg lacks depth and does not yet “speak prime minister”.

Borg’s shadow cabinet remains weak in key areas, especially finance and the economy. Having Adrian Delia—a former rival who can go rogue—as the main spokesperson complicates his ability to project a coherent vision. Voters may ask: Can I trust this young leader with the economy? For Borg, the solution is to recruit a senior, reputable economist to restore confidence in the party’s ability to govern.

Another structural weakness is Borg’s narrow victory over Delia, who remains highly visible and continues shaping the party’s message. Delia’s focus on population anxieties—particularly his refrain that foreigners are outnumbering Maltese in some localities—risks

deepening a divide between populists and technocrats who see migrant labour as an economic necessity. While Borg addresses this issue cautiously, Delia’s brash messaging carries the day with supporters.

The problem for the PN is that under Borg it still lacks a defining battle cry which can translate angst on increased densities in a wider and more credible roadmap. Instead, Borg tends to be trigger-happy with proposals that range from a child trust fund to a pilot study on a 35-hour week. The proposals are not bad but without a strong thematic anchor, Delia, with his rants on overpopulation, is filling a gap and giving supporters an emotional cause, albeit one which can easily swerve into far-right territory.

Borg has been more successful in managing governance issues. Having distanced himself from Repubblika before becoming leader, he can reach out to crucial segments in the PN’s coalition—even by participating in a vigil for Daphne Caruana Galizia—without being seen as under their direct control.

Difficult balancing acts

Some of Borg’s own balancing acts risk alienating segments of his potential electorate. In his first 100 days, he warded off fears of a lurch to the right prompted by past social conservative positions and admiration for figures like Giorgia Meloni and Donald Trump. He has kept George Vital Zammit—a liberal centrist intellectual and Trump critic—in charge of drafting the party manifesto. His early appearance at the Pride March and his relationship with social media celebrity Sarah Bajada—a divorced single mother—have endeared him to segments pushed away during the divorce referendum and the stifling conservativism of the Gonzi years.

Yet, Borg’s meeting with arch-conservative Edwin Vassallo, in which the latter offered to assist the party, unsettled the few social liberals remaining in the PN. Although the party clarified that Vassallo has no policymaking role, questions lingered about common ground between him and Borg. A broad-church party needs clear boundaries to avoid sending mixed messages.

Borg’s intransigent stance against abortion provides an identity anchor that keeps conservatives on board without forcing compromises on issues like LGBTIQ rights. But public opinion could shift over time, posing future challenges.

Ambiguity also surrounds Borg’s stance on land use and environmental protection. His vague remarks about towers in Gozo—later retracted—and past support for Chambray have raised questions about where he draws the line on development issues. While this can be a double-edged sword in a nation where high property ownership benefits sellers but burdens buyers, such ambiguity on planning policies may backfire whenever he is expected to defend local communities from developers’ greed.

Borg’s balancing acts often create new precipices to be navigated. An early bid to prove his green credentials by rushing to parliament with a proposal to entrench environmental rights in the Constitution exposed him to attacks from hunters and festa enthusiasts. The PN then proposed that hunters be exempted from a legal notice aimed at preventing recreational use of agricultural land. Labour’s strong ties to the hunting lobby remain a challenge, particularly in Gozo and rural areas, but the PN risks alienating a substantial portion of Maltese frustrated by repeated compromises.

Opposition leader Alex Borg’s key speech in parliament was his reaction to the budget, delivered a month after becoming leader (Photo: PN)

Biggest challenge

Borg’s central electoral challenge is winning over non-voters—around 20% of the electorate, who lean towards Labour. To succeed, he must convince them he would be a better prime minister than Abela. Otherwise, many could return to Labour, giving Abela another landslide.

Surveys suggest that despite Labour’s efforts to bring them back, these voters remain uncommitted, but dynamics could shift once campaigning begins.

Still, Labour should not underestimate Borg. He has shown agility, strong instincts, and the ability to generate momentum in a fatigued party. Crucially, he is liked. But his leadership will be continuously

tested, with Labour aware of his thinnest armour—gravitas, depth, and consistency.

For now, Borg has given the PN something it had long forgotten—hope and a fighting chance. Whether he can convert that into a real bid for power remains to be seen.

The next year will determine whether Alex Borg can evolve from a likeable Opposition leader into a serious contender for the office of prime minister. He will not have an easy ride.